Election season is upon us, and
there’s no shortage of polls telling us what we think. But judging the accuracy
of all these numbers requires a basic understanding of the science of polling.
Knowing what polls reveal — and
what they don’t — ultimately means differentiating truth from falsehood. This is
no small matter given the fallibility of the media and the extent to which
millions of voters are influenced by the opinions of others. Thus, as polling
pioneer George Gallup believed, public opinion polls are vital to a democracy.
The Development of American Opinion Research
The first known
opinion poll was a presidential "straw vote" conducted by the Harrisburg
Pennsylvanian in 1824. The newspaper simply surveyed 500 or so residents of
Wilmington, Del., without regard to demographics. The results showed Andrew
Jackson leading John Quincy Adams by 66 percent to 33 percent.
(William Crawford, secretary of the treasury, and Henry Clay, speaker of the
U.S. House of Representatives, also were candidates.)
accurately predicted the outcome of the popular vote, but none of the candidates
actually won a majority of the electoral vote. Consequently, the election was
decided by the House of Representatives, which chose Adams.
was popularized in the 20th century by the Literary Digest, a weekly magazine
published by Funk and Wagnalls. Beginning with the re-election of Woodrow Wilson
in 1916, the Digest correctly predicted the result of every presidential
campaign until 1936. Its polling consisted of mailing millions of postcard
"ballots" nationwide (along with a subscription form) and tallying the
responses. Many considered the Digest poll to be unassailable.
So it seemed until 1936, when the Digest forecast a landslide win by Alfred Landon over
In contrast, a young George Gallup predicted a Roosevelt victory based on a
"representative sample" of 50,000 people — that is, a group that resembled the
population at large. Yet his prediction was widely ridiculed as naive.
In hindsight, the Digest’s error
is easy to spot: Its mailing list was comprised of households with telephones,
cars and magazine subscriptions. In the midst of the Great Depression, those
with money to spare for such relative luxuries hardly represented the voters who
would favor Roosevelt and his New Deal.
Digest folded soon after Roosevelt’s election. What was true then is true
today: A flawed sample cannot be corrected simply by increasing the number of
The Gallup organization suffered
its own embarrassment in 1948, when it predicted a victory by Thomas Dewey over
Harry Truman. Gallup claimed the error resulted from ending his polling three
weeks before Election Day. Others faulted his use of "quota sampling," by which
respondents were targeted based on gender, age, race and income. This type of
sampling can be useful when comparing differences of opinion between specific
demographic groups; it is not accurate, however, for estimating how many people
within an entire population hold a particular viewpoint.
The use of quota sampling for
elections was largely replaced after 1948 by "random sampling," in which all
segments of the population have a reasonably equal chance of being surveyed.
Whereas the Literary Digest used
postcards and Gallup posed questions face-to-face, most polls today are
conducted by telephone. Calls are typically made by "random digit dialing," the
process by which computers generate wireline telephone numbers. This method
improves the chances of reaching households with unlisted numbers or new
service. But the substitution of cell phones for traditional land lines among
some segments of the population has lately raised questions about the ability of
random digit dialing to produce an unbiased sample.
The term "sampling error" refers
to instances in which the poll results from a particular sample differ from the
relevant population just by chance. For example, a
majority of respondents in a particular sample might have supported Alfred
Landon even if a majority of the overall population supported Franklin
To achieve more accurate findings,
pollsters adjust their results to more closely reflect key demographic
characteristics of the overall population. For example, if a survey is written
to measure political views, and if 40 percent of all registered voters at the
time of the survey are Democrats, the results will generally be more reflective
of the entire population if the sample is "weighted" so that Democrats
effectively make up 40 percent of the responses to any given question.
In the following table, the
"unweighted" column contains the number of respondents in the sample according
to their party affiliation. The "weighted" column, in contrast, contains the
number of respondents after weights are applied to more accurately reflect the
Survey results based on samples
that have been heavily weighted are generally considered less reliable.
Consequently, it is helpful to know how a sample has been weighted in order to
judge the precision of the poll.
Most polls are reported with their
"margin of error." This is an estimate of the extent to which the survey results
would vary if the same poll were repeated multiple times. For example, if a
pollster reports that 75 percent of voters are dissatisfied with Congress, a ±3
percent margin of error usually means that there is a 95 percent chance that the
true measure of voter dissatisfaction falls between 72 percent and 78 percent.
The margin of
error accounts only for a potential error in the random sampling, not for survey
bias or miscalculations. The margin of error is typically formulated based on
one of three "levels of confidence": 99 percent, 95 percent or 90 percent. A 99
percent level of confidence (the most conservative) indicates that the survey
results would be "true" within the margin of error 99 percent of the time.
In comparing the results of two or
more surveys, it is important to recognize that the margin of error that would
apply to both sets of results taken together would be greater than the margin of
error for either of the surveys alone.
The wording of
questions is crucial to interpreting poll results. Individual responses often
depend on the way in which survey questions are posed. The three questions
below, developed by researchers at Michigan State University, demonstrate how
wording can affect poll results.
- Does Michigan spend too much, too little or the
right amount on Corrections?
- Is $1.3 billion spent on Corrections annually too
much, too little, or the right amount?
- Is spending $23,700 per prisoner annually too much,
too little or the right amount?
From a budgetary standpoint,
expenditures of $23,700 per prisoner and $1.3 billion in total are equivalent.
Yet public opinion about the appropriateness of each figure varies remarkably,
as does the result when no figure is cited.
Similarly, it is helpful to know
the range of responses to understand fully the poll results. For example, in the
table of hypothetical data below, it could be accurately reported that
45 percent of Americans have an unfavorable impression of the Federal Emergency
Management Agency. In the absence of information about the range of responses,
readers could easily conclude that 55 percent of Americans have a favorable
opinion. An entirely different impression would be conveyed were it reported
that less than one in five say their impression of FEMA is favorable.
|Haven’t Heard Enough||31%|
|Don’t Know/Not Applicable||5%|
Ideally, all of a survey’s wording and
responses will be made available to the public when the survey results are
published. When survey language is not made public, however, it is useful
to know who sponsored the poll to help judge the survey’s reliability.
may also be affected by "response bias," in which respondents’ answers do not
reflect their actual beliefs. This can occur for a variety of reasons:
- The "Bandwagon Effect," in which
respondents base their answers — intentionally or otherwise — on a desire to
be associated with the leading candidate or cause.
- The "Underdog Effect," in which
respondents formulate their opinions out of sympathy for the candidate or
the cause that appears to be trailing in support.
- The "Spiral of Silence," in which
respondents feel under social pressure to give only a politically correct
answer rather than their actual opinion.
When conducted properly and understood
correctly, polls provide a useful snapshot of popular opinion. If manipulated or
misinterpreted, polls can distort reality. Voters would do well to evaluate
polls based on the following 10 questions.
- Who paid for the poll?
- How many people were interviewed for the survey?
- How were those people chosen?
- Are the results based on the answers of all the people
- When was the poll done?
- How were the interviews conducted?
- What is the margin of error for the poll results?
- What is the level of confidence for the poll results?
- What questions were asked?
- What other polls have
been done on this topic? Do they say the same thing? If they are different,
why are they different?
Diane S. Katz is director of science, environment and
technology policy at the Mackinac Center for Public Policy, a research and
educational institute headquartered in Midland, Mich. Nathaniel Ehrlich, Ph.D.,
is a survey research specialist at Michigan State University’s Institute for
Public Policy and Research. Larry Hembroff, Ph.D., of Michigan State University
established the university’s Office for Survey Research in 1988. Permission to
reprint in whole or in part is hereby granted, provided that the author and the
Center are properly cited.
The First Measured Century on PBS, "George Gallup and the Scientific
Opinion Poll." Available on World Wide Web:
Terry Madonna and Michael Young, "Politically Uncorrected: The
First Political Poll," Franklin & Marshall College, Lancaster,
Pa. Available on World Wide Web:
The U.S. Survey Course on the Web, "Landon in a Landslide: The Poll That
Changed Polling," City University of New York and George Mason
University. Available on World Wide Web:
Sally Sievers, "The Infamous Literary
Digest Poll, and the Election of 1936," Wells College, Aurora, N.Y.
Available on World Wide Web:
Institute for Public Policy and Social
Research, 1997. State of the State Survey, "Attitudes Toward Crime and
Criminal Justice: What You Find Depends on What You Ask," No. 97-20,
Michigan State University. East Lansing, Mich. Available on World Wide
Adapted from Sheldon R. Gawiser and G. Evans
Witt, "20 Questions a Journalist Should Ask About Poll Results," National
Council on Public Polls. Available on World Wide Web: