No benefits to consumers to be found.
The Mercatus Center at George Mason University has a new working paper looking at the effects of occupational licensure in the area of opticians. The results show the problems of state licensing in a variety of areas.
From 1950 to today, it is estimated that the percent of occupations now requiring a license has risen from five percent to 30 percent. In other words, the percent of occupations which require people to pay a fee to the state or take mandated classes has risen six-fold. According to Dr. Morris Kleiner of the University of Minnesota, most of this licensing drives up costs for consumers but does not lead to better health and safety results.
The Mercatus paper, authored by Dr. Edward Timmons and Anna Mills, compares the 21 states which require a license for an optician and those which do not. Opticians are eye care specialists who fit glasses and lenses to correct vision. They do not require a license in Michigan.
The paper finds that licensing causes a redistribution of wealth from consumers to opticians with no observable benefit in health or quality of services. Specifically, the authors write:
“The results suggest that opticians earn 0.3-0.5 percent more for each year that a licensing statute is in effect. In addition, tougher licensing provisions (in the form of more exams or longer education requirements) increase optician earnings by 2-3 percent. In an examination of vision insurance and malpractice insurance premiums, we find little evidence that optician licensing has enhanced the quality of services delivered to consumers. By and large, optician licensing appears to be reducing consumer welfare by raising the earnings of opticians without enhancing the quality of services delivered to consumers.”
This is a fairly common finding, backed up by research from scholars at many different organizations. Licensing should only be required if the public’s health and safety is at risk — otherwise, it simply redistributes wealth from consumers to select special interests.
Why right-to-work is right for Wisconsin
On Feb. 24, 2015, Director of Labor Policy F. Vincent Vernuccio testified before the Wisconsin Senate labor committee. Wisconsin is currently considering right-to-work for the public and private sectors. You can watch his testimony below or read his prepared testimony here.
Vernuccio testimony before Wisconsin Senate committee
(The following is a transcript of the testimony by F. Vincent Vernuccio, director of labor policy, on Feb. 24, prepared for the Wisconsin Senate Committee on Labor and Government Reform.)
Chairman Nass, members of the Senate Committee on Labor and Government Reform, I am F. Vincent Vernuccio, director of labor policy for the Mackinac Center for Public Policy, a nonpartisan research and educational institute based in Midland, Mich.
Thank you for giving me the opportunity to testify here today on right-to-work. This policy will give workers the freedom to choose whether to support a union or not, and help improve Wisconsin’s economy.
Wisconsin governor Scott Walker has been fielding a number of questions about this policy lately. He was asked if he considered the state Legislature’s right-to-work proposal to be anti-union.
Gov. Walker rejected that characterization. He said right-to-work laws are not anti-union; all they do is give workers the right to choose. My testimony will underscore that fundamentally sound judgment.
Gov. Walker and the Wisconsin Legislature have put limits on government-union collective bargaining privileges in the past, through legislation such as Act 10 of 2011.
This bill is different. It is not about limiting the ability of unions to bargain. It is about worker freedom.
Right-to-work laws prohibit labor contracts that force employers to fire workers who do not wish to financially support a union. Outside of this, right-to-work does not affect collective bargaining in any way. In Wisconsin, private sector unions will still be able to bargain over wages, hours, working conditions, or anything else they could bargain for before right-to-work.
The difference is worker freedom.
A significant number of employees will always want some form of representation. Unions — strong unions — still exist in right-to-work states. They simply behave differently because they have to earn the support of workers rather than rely on compulsion.
In right-to-work states, unions can’t take worker support for granted. Therefore, they must earn dues by providing value to members.
Despite claims to the contrary, states can improve union representation and give workers this fundamental freedom without necessarily harming unions or workers.
The data are mixed on unionization rates in right-to-work states, but it isn’t a guarantee that when a state goes right-to-work it is going to have any less unionization than before. Some years, forced-unionization states do better; other years, right-to-work states put up better unionization numbers.
In 2014, Indiana managed to add, on net, more than 50,000 union members.
Though unions as a whole take a dim view of right-to-work, Gary Casteel, an organizer in the South for the United Auto Workers, was quoted by the Washington Post after he made a striking observation:
I’ve never understood [why] people think right to work hurts unions. ... To me, it helps them. You don’t have to belong if you don’t want to. So if I go to an organizing drive, I can tell these workers, ‘If you don’t like this arrangement, you don’t have to belong.’ Versus, ’If we get 50 percent of you, then all of you have to belong, whether you like to or not.’ I don’t even like the way that sounds, because it’s a voluntary system, and if you don’t think the system’s earning its keep, then you don’t have to pay.
What Casteel doesn’t seem to understand is that union leaders may have a self-interested reason for opposing right-to-work.
According to a report by labor economist James Sherk, states with compulsory unionism charge their members about 10 percent more than their right-to-work rank-and-file brothers in other states. He also found that top union officials in those non-right-to-work states take home about $20,000 more in salary, each, per year.
Unions can charge these premiums because there is no competition. Workers are compelled to pay dues or fees on the pain of losing their jobs.
The reason more states are embracing right-to-work is that such laws make states more economically competitive. Right-to-work states tend to have more job growth. This is true both in the short and long term.
For the short term benefits, a good example comes from Site Selection Magazine, a trade publication for corporate real estate and economic development. After Michigan went right-to-work in 2013, the magazine quoted a real estate manager from a Chicago-based firm as saying: “Where [right-to-work] will have an effect is when there are companies who are looking for locations. ... [T]here should be a significant increase in the number of projects Michigan receives because they are no longer being eliminated in the early stages of searches.”
The developer’s prediction proved correct. Michigan’s economy is greatly improving. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ household survey, from March 2013, when Michigan’s right-to-work law took effect, to December 2014, Michigan’s employment levels increased by 141,990 people. This is a 3.3 percent growth rate, giving Michigan the 15th-highest in the country.
Among those states in the Midwest, only Indiana, another right-to-work state, outpaced Michigan, growing by 5.1 percent. Only Colorado and North Dakota surpassed Indiana over this period.
The Wall Street Journal has noticed this trend as well. In January, it reported that between March of 2013 and November last, Michigan had seen “four percent payroll manufacturing growth, beating an average of 2.8 percent in right-to-work states and 0.9 percent in non-right-to-work states.”
States that go right-to-work typically experience job growth, but even after those initial good years, their economies are fundamentally restructured. Costs are held down, wages are boosted, and there are more jobs.
According to statistics derived from the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, between 2003 and 2013, right-to-work states experienced 21.5 percent growth in inflation-adjusted GDP versus 14.7 percent in non-right-to-work states. In manufacturing, the spread was even more pronounced. There was 26.1 percent growth in manufacturing GDP, versus only 13.8 percent growth in non-right-to-work states.
States with growing GDPs are adding jobs, and lots of them. According to research of Bureau of Labor Statistics data by my colleague James Hohman, from 2003 to 2013, right-to-work states added 4.3 million jobs while non-right-to-work states added only 2.4 million. Add to this the fact that the average right-to-work state has a smaller population than the average non-right-to-work state, and this contrast is quite remarkable and telling.
Finally, another myth worth dispelling is that wages in right-to-work states are low. In fact, if you factor in cost of living and purchasing power – if you actually look not just at the raw numbers but what those wages can buy in terms of food, clothing and shelter – workers in right-to-work states actually enjoy higher incomes than folks in non-right-to-work states on average.
More jobs, more wage growth, growing economies, and last but not least, more freedom and choice for individual workers in Wisconsin. That is what right-to-work is all about.
Consumers pay a high price for utility monopolies.
Electricity choice in Michigan is under attack again this year. The two big utility companies are investing heavily in an advertising campaign and contract research. Ultimately, they’d like to eliminate market competition and force all consumers to buy only their electricity. The facts are, however, that electricity choice in Michigan has a track record of driving down rates, and electricity consumers will be worse off if the state enlarged the utilities’ monopoly.
Michigan first authorized a choice program with Public Act 141 of 2000. At the time, Michigan’s electricity rates were higher than the national average and higher than any nearby state.
Michigan rates quickly became less competitive after the cap was imposed. By 2009, Michigan had soared back above the national average. Michigan electricity customers now pay more than customers in any of the surrounding states, and 6 percent more than the national average. Today Michigan residents, employers, and the state economy as a whole are paying a high price for protecting the monopoly status of its large utilities.
There are too many school districts, according to state officials. Even though student enrollment is declining, more school districts open every year, these officials say, putting existing districts under financial pressure.
Though this may seem like a school finance and administrative issue, the “too many school districts” narrative is often used to criticize charter schools. Juxtaposing Michigan’s decreasing enrollment with the rising number of school districts (entirely driven by charter schools) is just a way to complain about the fact that more charter schools are opening.
Charter schools in Michigan are legally defined as “districts,” even though most are single buildings enrolling far fewer students than Michigan's conventional districts.
Madison-Carver Academy, an elementary school serving 300 K-6 students in Detroit, is a “district.” Detroit Public Schools, with close to 100 buildings and serving more than 40,000 students, is also a “district.”
In fact, about 80 percent of charter school “districts” have just a single school building, compared to just over 10 percent of conventional school districts. The truth is, the enrollment/district comparison does not provide any useful information — because it pretends large districts such as DPS are statistically equal to single-building charter schools such as Madison-Carver Academy.
A better approach is to compare school buildings to student enrollment. And there, Michigan is on track. As you can see in the chart below, the total number of school buildings, counting both charter schools and district schools, has followed the same trend as the number of students.
Despite the addition of more than 300 new charter school buildings since 1996, the number of students per school building in Michigan has hardly changed. There were 441 students per school building in 1996 and about 448 now — a mere 1.5 percent increase. There is only a small difference between charters and conventional schools: 407 students per charter school building and 453 per district school building.
State officials should worry less about the quantity of public schools and more about the quality of educational options available to Michigan families.
‘One or none’ also gives workers, unions choice
Even with Michigan’s right-to-work law, workers do not have full freedom. In bringing true fairness to both unions and workers, Michigan has the power to give public workers a complete choice when it comes to associating with a union, while at the same time lifting government unions’ burden of representing nonmembers.
In Michigan, unlike non-right-to-work states, workers do not need to pay a union to keep their jobs.
However, in both types of states, employees in a unionized job must accept union representation whether they want it or not.
But right-to-work isn’t the only option available for bringing real fairness to the workplace. In a few short weeks the Mackinac Center will publish a study introducing a concept called “one or none,” which would allow workers to fully opt out of union representation and represent themselves.
As I detailed in a 2013 op-ed in the Detroit Free Press, opponents of right-to-work attempt to make it an issue of either/or. They claim either unions will have to represent workers who are not paying them or that workers will have to pay for unwanted representation.
Some opponents even go as far as calling workers who opt out of union representation “free riders.”
However, Terry Bowman, a United Automobile Workers member and president of Union Conservatives, says there is a better term for this kind of worker: a “forced rider.”
Forced riders have to accept the contract the union negotiates. And in most of those cases, people who have a problem with the employer must go through the union.
But states have the ability to solve the forced-rider problem, at least for public employees. While private-sector collective bargaining is governed by federal legislation, public-sector collective bargaining is governed by state law.
Lawmakers could simply amend state law to allow workers who do not want to associate with a union to opt out and represent themselves.
Instead of doing away with exclusive representation, a one-or-none policy could be adopted.
One-or-none legislation would not disturb the normal exclusive bargaining relationship between public employers and unions. Unions would still need to get a majority of workers to agree to representation and the one union would be the only representative in the workplace. This union would still negotiate for all unionized employees and nothing would change in terms of collective bargaining.
However, employees who do not want to be in the union would be free to represent themselves. They would not have the ability to create a minority union or create multiple unions at a workplace, but instead would be treated as normal non-union employees.
Public workers would finally be given a true choice of whether to associate with a union, accept representation and pay for it. A one-or-none law would also alleviate one of the main problems unions have with right-to-work, which is representation without pay.
If unions are doing a good job and representing their members well, nonmembers would be willing to pay for their services.
Right-to-work opponents maintain that “free riding” is unfair. While forced riding is unfair for both workers and unions, mandating that workers pay for something they do not want from a private third party simply to keep their jobs is a greater injustice.
The best option is to give workers the chance to say “no thanks,” and unions the ability to say “goodbye.”
(Editor’s note: A version of this article appeared on the Illinois Policy Institute Blog.)
Guns, drones and votes. Subsidies ate the budget.
Senate Bill 54, Ban using a drone to interfere with hunters: Passed 38 to 0 in the Senate
To prohibit using an aerial drone to interfere with or harass a person who is hunting. This would expand an existing law that bans interfering with or harassing hunters. Senate Bill 55 bans using a drone for hunting and also passed unanimously.
Senate Bill 53, Expand “gun free zone” concealed pistol exception: Passed 37 to 1 in the Senate
To revise the “gun free zone” provision of the concealed pistol permit law to exempt retired federal law enforcement officers who carried a firearm during their employment. This provision prohibits regular citizens who have received a permit after meeting the background check and training requirements from carrying a pistol in specified places including schools, bars, restaurants, churches, arenas and more.
House Bill 4110, Revise school aid budget: Passed 62 to 48 in the House
To shift funding sources in the current year school budget to compensate for lower than expected balances in the state general fund. This is due to higher than expected payouts to corporations granted selective “tax credit” deals lasting up to 20 years by the previous administration (in many cases these are actually cash subsidies). This unexpected draw-down in some state accounts is happening despite revenue collections actually rising faster than spending this year. The bill also reduces previously authorized spending to reflect lower than expected school enrollment, and suspends payments intended to “catch up” on underfunding of the school employee pension system.
Senate Bill 44, Hold GOP presidential primary on March 8, 2016: Passed 72 to 38 in the House
To hold the Republican presidential primary election on March 8, 2016, rather than Feb. 23 as currently authorized.
SOURCE: MichiganVotes.org, a free, non-partisan website created by the Mackinac Center for Public Policy, providing concise, non-partisan, plain-English descriptions of every bill and vote in the Michigan House and Senate. Please visit http://www.MichiganVotes.org.
Michigan should end the MEDC
From 1995 to 2011, Michigan ran a program that granted special tax exemptions to chosen companies. The research on this program – the Michigan Economic Growth Authority – has been pretty consistent: It was a failure.
The Mackinac Center did two studies on MEGA; a 2005 study showed that the few jobs “created” from the program were temporary and expensive and a 2009 study found that it had an overall negative impact on Michigan’s economy. The Michigan Office of the Auditor General has found repeated problems with state “economic development” programs over-promising and under-delivering. The Anderson Economic Group found a negative impact on job creation. The only favorable study was done by the Upjohn Institute, but even that found only a very small positive economic effect and that the actual MEGA program was almost incidental to the state’s economy. A recent review of the program showed that only 2.3 percent of the projects given tax credits ever met their job projections.
Though the program was ended in 2011, it lives on. Michigan taxpayers are on the hook for up to $9 billion over the next two decades because of credits handed out over past years. This will cause a continuing hole in the budget.
So what is the defense of the Michigan Economic Development Corporation?
MLive business columnist Rich Haglund, who has written positively and critically of its programs in the past, offers one up. In a recent article, he says that when former Gov. John Engler eliminated some “economic development” programs in the early 1990s, Michigan “quickly gained a reputation for having unilaterally disarmed in the war among the states for jobs.”
He adds: “[T]he agency offers some valuable programs, particularly those that aid entrepreneurs and community development. And it has tight linkages with local economic development agencies, which would suffer if the state sacked the MEDC. The reality is that the states are engaged in a costly battle of their own making for jobs and business investment. Unless this war is somehow ended, it would be unwise for Michigan to disarm again.”
This is mostly anecdotal and even Haglund admits in the piece, “[The MEDC’s] overall impact on job creation is arguably minimal.”
Besides the fact that the bulk of the research shows poor economic effects from Michigan’s programs, there are two main reasons the state should not be in the business of deciding which companies get special favors and which have to pay to subsidize their competitors.
First, centralized planning just doesn’t work. This is because of the “economic calculation problem” developed by Ludwig von Mises. In short, no centralized actor (even a large and democratically elected one like a state government) can possibly have more knowledge than the market as a whole, which means attempts at “economic development” will most often do more overall harm than good because it will misallocate resources away from their most productive use.
Second, government programs tend to expand beyond their core mission. While the MEDC and MEGA started as small, focused programs, they quickly grew larger. During the administration of former Gov. Jennifer Granholm, the agency expanded into all kinds of areas, with bipartisan support. Today, much of what was done is widely recognized as having caused more economic harm than good. It’s good that MEDC has shrunk – but that doesn’t mean it will stay that way.
The MEDC does more political development – helping politicians look good – than economic development. The state should end it.
Members of the Michigan House of Representatives today announced efforts to reform the state’s criminal laws. The efforts will be spearheaded by a working group, co-chaired by Rep. Chris Afendoulis, R-Grand Rapids Township, and Rep. Kurt Heise, R-Plymouth.
The group will identify antiquated or unnecessary criminal statutes that can be repealed, and will recommend penalties that fit the severity of the crime. A package of bills introduced would repeal numerous outdated laws. The announced reforms are part of the House Republican Action Plan.
A 2014 study published by the Mackinac Center and the Manhattan Institute found that Michigan has more than 3,100 laws on the books and has created an average of 45 new crimes in each of the last six years.
Legislators are taking an encouraging first step toward a comprehensive review of Michigan’s criminal code. Its criminal law is overgrown with prohibitions that do little to protect personal safety or property. The House would do well to review even more criminal laws, particularly where the law harshly penalizes activity that most residents would consider harmless. In addition to repealing silly or outdated laws, the Legislature should enact a “default mens rea” bill, which would clarify the criminal intent required for the commission of a crime.
Mackinac Center experts' analysis on cigarette smuggling cited in national reports
The work of Michael D. LaFaive, Todd Nesbit, Ph. D. and Scott Drenkard is used as the basis of a reports by the Wall Street Journal, Reason, New York Post, The Sacramento Bee, The Wichita Eagle, SILive.com, CSPnet.com and several radio stations in Kansas: WHBL, WSAU, WNCY, WTAQ, WYDR. An op-ed by Dr. Nesbit also appeared in the Columbus Dispatch.
These experts show how high excise taxes on cigarettes lead to counterfeit products and tax stamps; smuggling; violence against police, people and property; and other unintended consequences.
Recommendations include cutting taxes or improving police tactics or both to reduce the smuggling problem.
LaFaive is director of the Morey Fiscal Policy Initiative.